The report should be considered within the context of smoking issues within Glasgow's black and minority ethnic communities. The nature of the study, time and resource constraints have meant that wider consultation was not possible. Despite the relatively small sample size, it is still a fair representation of the four main visible ethnic groups in Glasgow. Indeed, the combination of baseline statistics and qualitative experiences of individuals prove insightful, especially in a previously unchartered area and will provide a sound basis for policy development for those organisations with anti-tobacco agendas, in particular ASH Scotland, HEBS, Scottish Executive and organisations providing direct support to smokers.
From this research, it is clear that there are some broad similarities between BME communities and the Scottish population as a whole. The fundamental differences are embedded in cultural and religious affiliations. This has an effect on how smoking is perceived and how it is practised within these communities. The research has also brought to light the different methods of taking tobacco that do exist among those of South Asian (Pakistani and Indian) background.
Evidence from both data sources (Fieldwork One and Two) suggests that smoking is widespread among the black and minority ethnic communities, to the extent that most service providers consider it an escalating problem. This perception appears to be more directed towards females and the statistical analysis in this research confirms this for at least the Pakistani sample where the majority of smokers were female. The latter must be reviewed with a degree of caution, as the sample size was small. It could be argued that since those interviewed were predominately young they were not necessarily representative of the entire Pakistani women population in Glasgow. Nevertheless these findings reflect a pattern which might be worth monitoring.
Differences were noted when comparing BME smoking in this sample to that of the UK population as a whole. Initiations into smoking and establishing smoking occurred much later, ranging between the teenage years through to the early twenties. The transition period of first trying a cigarette to becoming a regular smoker averages between 15-18 years of age in the UK (HEA 1999).
Differences in smoking pattern were also discovered not only in comparison to the UK population as a whole but also between the different ethnic groups in the sample. For example, the majority of the Chinese, Indian and Pakistani respondents described themselves as "smokers" whereas the majority of the Black respondents indicated they smoked "socially". These findings are not supported by the English based study where the majority of the Black population were smokers (HEA 1999). On the whole it appeared that the number of cigarettes smoked by the respondents fell within a broader range (5-20 cigarettes per day) and were substantially lower than that of the UK average of 17 cigarettes per day (HEA 1999). However in terms of ethnicity, the Pakistani respondents in the study consumed more cigarettes than the BME smokers in England and were in fact similar to the UK average.
"Peer pressure" and "friends smoking" were the main factors associated with the introduction to cigarette usage. Family influence was not directly mentioned by respondents however, family members who smoke were quoted in many cases and especially father and sibling. Furthermore, respondents who smoked were nearly twice as likely to have a smoker in the family than the non-smoking respondents.
The main reason for wanting to quit smoking was the effects on personal health, however more than two thirds still felt that smoking was beneficial to them. Bearing in mind that perceptions of addiction were self professed, over two thirds felt they were addicted and "could not cope" without cigarettes. Indeed a large amount of respondents had made attempts to give up smoking in the past. "Willpower" was quoted by nearly all respondents and this is questionable as an effective quit method as only two respondents were able to give up for more than a year. Only a very small number of respondents used pharmacological aids available on the market (nicotine gum and nicotine patches) and it appeared that these aids were not completely efficient or properly used.
Once initiated into smoking, issues faced by these communities are magnified by perceptions entrenched in cultural and religious practices. It is these community perceptions that often lead younger people to smoke covertly, and more so for females. Both genders mentioned their awareness of female smokers being negatively perceived.
Service providers and members of the South Asian communities expressed concerns of the availability of paan in Asian shops and the use of the hooka. It was felt there was a lack of awareness of the harmful effects of smoking tobacco filtered through water and adding tobacco to paan.
While most respondents had a basic knowledge of passive smoking and its effects many felt awareness of this issue and the harmful effects of passive smoking are not generally acknowledged by the BME communities in Glasgow. Significantly any awareness campaign on passive /involuntary smoking requires to take account of the perception that smoking is a `personal choice`.
It is encouraging to note that prevention material seen by those who participated in this survey, albeit limited, seem to be communicating the basic message. However, the limited impact of this appears to lie in its relevance to these communities. Aspects such as visual ethnic representation were raised in conjunction mainly with the younger generation and content of messages in appropriate community languages were raised for the older generation. Requests for keeping the language simple were also brought to light, yet this is only part of the overall challenge. In order to create and sustain a lasting impression, some form of verbal communication with hands on advice was felt to be a better option.
While many of the strategies suggested by the participants would in essence apply to all communities. It would still be prudent for ASH Scotland, HEBS and other anti-tobacco agencies to take on board the unique differences and therefore distinct issues facing each community. In particular sensitivity should be given to religious and cultural issues and the different forms of tobacco present in certain communities. On the whole, ASH Scotland and HEBS would need to consider being more pro-active in terms of their visible presence, both physically and through its literature to these communities and service providers alike.
Go to 'Previous Work' page
Click on the 'Inequalities' link in the left hand menu to go to the Inequalities section.
Last updated: 15 July 2009